Category Archives: Writers

Hanging half a century on a solution

FORTY years since the premier of the Peter Weir film, it’s time for Australians to realise that Picnic at Hanging Rock has kept us completely fooled for five decades.

This evocative screen mystery burst into our consciousness the same spring that the constitutional crisis of the last months of the Whitlam government left Australians in an altered state.

“Australian cinema’s ‘new wave’ success story rose on the back of a terrible cultural lie.”

The original novel by Joan Lindsay was similarly about the impact of sudden change. When three schoolgirls and a governess do not return from a commonplace picnic at a local beauty spot in 1900, the mechanics of shock and denial challenge the very foundation of knowledge.

WHAT DO YOU KNOW? Helen Morse as Mlle de Poitiers and Vivean Gray as Miss McGraw in Peter Weir’s 1975 film Picnic at Hanging Rock.

As French governess Mademoiselle de Poitiers farewells four of her charges wanting to explore the base of Hanging Rock, seeing Miranda turn away, she asserts: “Now I know”. The only one who hears is mathematics teacher Greta McGraw, who replies: “What do you know?”

Mlle de Poitiers is happy to believe she has seen an angel by an old master, although Miss McGraw appears to have her eye on something far more attractive.

Minutes earlier, this rational, scientific 45-year-old noticed her watch, like everyone else’s, had stopped, right on midday. The picnickers are suddenly, and literally, out of time.

This fictitious pre-Federation mystery perfectly captures modern Australia’s struggle to form an identity, because the answer to what drew Miss McGraw to follow the girls up the rock that timeless afternoon was always there, it’s just that others decided we were not prepared for it.

A real-life disappearance occurred at another famous rock and challenged Australian identity all over again, when, on the night of August 17, 1980, baby Azaria Chamberlain was taken from her tent by a dingo at a campground near the base of Uluru – at that time known by its European name Ayer’s Rock.

EVILANGELSIt did not take long for the majority of Australians to decide this event was nothing more than a fanciful story, sprung from the imagination of Lindy, Azaria’s mother, who was jailed for life for her daughter’s murder.

We were far more willing to cry murder than countenance the reality of predators in our landscape.

Fred Schepisi’s film of John Bryson’s book on the Chamberlain case – Evil Angels – outlined the dingo story and subsequently bombed at the Australian box office.

We could barely look at the Evil Angels, whereas the romantic never-to-return ‘angels’ of Picnic at Hanging Rock we took to our hearts; but Australian cinema’s ‘new wave’ success story rose on the back of a terrible cultural lie.

Joan Lindsay complained of endless fan mail asking whether her story was based on fact, although I call her annoyance a dodge, because she brought all the attention on herself as soon as she allowed her publishers to lop off the last chapter of Picnic at Hanging Rock before it was published in 1967.

But her original Chapter Eighteen survived the butchering of editors: she entrusted it to her literary agent John Taylor in 1972, with strict instructions to publish it after her death.

This he did in 1987, by which time a cult had grown around Lindsay’s ruse. The twelve pages of Chapter Eighteen published in the booklet The Secret of Hanging Rock were framed by tongue-in-cheek essays by Taylor (claiming that Lindsay’s solution was “unfilmable”) and Yvonne Rousseau, a writer who’d spent years sleuthing Lindsay’s oeuvre.

Despite the attention Lindsay’s ‘solution’ received, it was not enough to challenge the trajectory of the film’s success. A director’s cut was released theatrically and on DVD, including a documentary in which not a single mention was made of Lindsay’s Chapter Eighteen.

“They were happy to escape a life of corseting, cosseting and control.”

Her long-concealed dénouement quite matter-of-factly revealed the missing schoolgirls and their governess had undergone the kind of transformation common in Classical legends, although Lindsay had created a credible bridge between European myth and Aboriginal Dreaming.

Other writers had attempted this earlier. Arguably the most famous was the fake Aboriginal Legend of the Three Sisters, the story of three Aboriginal women transformed into the famous rock formation by their ‘witchdoctor’ father, written by Sydney schoolgirl Patricia Stone in the 1930s and subsequently sold by Katoomba’s tourist industry as genuine Aboriginal legend.

DREAMING WITHIN A DREAM Seeking the solution to what happened.
DREAMING WITHIN A DREAM Seeking the solution to what happened.

But Joan Lindsay avoided cultural appropriation. Instead, she allowed her large cast of European women to be themselves appropriated by a Dreaming entirely appropriate for an Australian story.

Picnic at Hanging Rock screenwriter Cliff Green identified one of the major themes in Lindsay’s story as child abuse, and once the women do not return, the checks and balances of a ‘proper’ education gradually do reveal the physical and emotional weaponry of British headmistress Mrs Appleyard.

The missing schoolgirls and their governess, then, were not victims of crime or whisked away unwillingly. They were happy to escape a life of corseting, cosseting and control.

“I can hardly wait,” star maths student Marion Quade says in Chapter Eighteen, anticipating her chance to shuffle off the twentieth century and follow her transformed maths teacher Miss McGraw “without a backward glance”.

Marion’s escape route comes straight out of 1960s notions of Aboriginal Dreaming, atmosphere that undoubtedly challenged the original publishers into such a severe deletion. Far more preferable for daughters of the Empire to disappear into thin air than be seen to delight in a spiritual transition well-known by the nation’s first people.

The edit allowed Joan Lindsay’s fact-fiction flim-flam to become the focus of the book and film’s success, and even though all along she knew she’d not written a mysterious disappearance, she played her part very well by suggesting the audience decide what was true and what wasn’t.

Fans and detractors rushed to pore over the archives and trample across Hanging Rock, well off the scent of a simple look into Lindsay’s education at a Melbourne ladies’ boarding school.

LADY LINDSAY Joan Lindsay (1896-1984).
LADY LINDSAY Joan, Lady Lindsay (1896-1984).

It was Terence O’Neill in a 2009 La Trobe Journal essay Joan Lindsay: A time for everything who proposed that Lindsay can hardly have been unaware of her alma mater’s move from Melbourne to Woodend, close to Hanging Rock, in 1919, after her graduation; and, far more interestingly, the account in the school magazine of a Miss McGraw, teacher at the school in Lindsay’s time, who led the twilight expedition to Hanging Rock that inspired forty years of annual picnics and the telling of ghost stories on the way home. 

It’s also enlightening to analyse the corporal punishments Lindsay portrayed in detail – those that inspire adolescent fantasies about escaping the control of disciplinary adult paradigms – when seeking the real seeds of Picnic at Hanging Rock.

Missing corsets and stockings, a maths governess seen climbing Hanging Rock availed of her skirt, and the discovery of one of the missing girls, are all clues in both book and film, but they remain the worst kind of red herrings without Chapter Eighteen.

Another red herring is the sound of Pan pipes played by Gheorghe Zamfi on the soundtrack, evoking the old Greco-Roman gods of different land altogether.

It’s probably un-Australian of me, but I call for a remake. 

PANIC
MUCH TO LEARN Edith runs from the top of Hanging Rock.

Pan pipes would easily be replaced by a well-known Aboriginal wind instrument; and doubtless there is much to learn from the Wurundjeri nation, traditional owners of Hanging Rock, the rock formation they were dispossessed of in the 1840s.

Joan Lindsay’s literary stock-in-trade was time. I can’t imagine her not approving of a reappearance of Miranda, Marion and Miss McGraw in an episode of Doctor Who, or at least a mash-up adaptation like Pride and Prejudice and Zombies.

The Northern Territory legal system took thirty years to come to terms with the facts about the dingoes that preyed on Azaria Chamberlain. Surely in that time we have grown enough to cope with Aboriginal Dreaming in one of our greatest novels?

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As Gough Whitlam famously affirmed in 1972, ushering in the government that would transform the lifeless Australian film industry, led by Lindsay’s big-screen icon: “It’s time”.

© Michael Burge, all rights reserved.

This article appears in Michael’s eBook Creating Waves: Critical takes on culture and politics.

The writer’s block of E. M. Forster

COPSE Michael Burge at Piney Copse, June 2014.
FORSTER’S FOREST The writer at Piney Copse, June 2014.

AFTER SPENDING MOST of the 1990s living in England, I returned with my husband in the spring of 2014. As soon as we arrived, I navigated while Richard drove us across the Thames and out of London towards Surrey.

Once we crossed the M25, we were swallowed by the high hedgerows of the Hackhurst Downs, before dropping into the village of Abinger Hammer in search of one very hallowed place for this writer.

The region boasts two famous former residents: actor Prunella Scales (Sybil in Fawlty Towers) and the author Edward Morgan ‘E. M.’ Forster (1879-1970).

I first encountered his novels at school, although it took reaching the age of forty-four to fully understand him. My life had taken various ‘Forsterian’ turns in the interim, and I had a new appreciation of why he penned barely a word of fiction for the four decades after moving to Abinger Hammer in the wake of his bestselling 1924 publication A Passage to India.

Forster’s public explanation was that he’d had enough of writing politically light novels like A Room with a View and Howard’s End, although after the private experiment of his gay romance Maurice – which crucial gay friends unfairly criticised – and several controversies of gay literature breaching the criminal code, none of his gay-themed writing saw the light of day until after his death in 1970, the year of my birth.

FORSTERS WAY English novelist Edward Morgan Foster by Howard Coster.
FORSTER’S WAY English novelist Edward Morgan Forster by Howard Coster.

Moving to a genteel Surrey village ought to have been a source of inspiration, but it left Forster in a career limbo at the age of forty-four, living with his elderly mother Lily.

The pair found a hopeful new start to their codependency when they moved to an Abinger property – West Hackhurst – designed and built decades before by Forster’s architect father.

The Forsters already had connections in the region, notably the Farrers of Abinger Hall, an estate from which West Hackhurst had been hived off on a sixty-year lease, which allowed Forster’s Aunt Laura to see out her days there. The remainder of the tenancy she left to her nephew.

Before moving in, Forster made inquiries with Tom, Lord Farrer, who agreed that should Mrs Forster still be alive when the lease expired in 1937, an extension would be granted to cover the remainder of her life.

“My installation at West Hackhurst was indeed depressing. I had feelings of misgiving and imprisonment,” Forster wrote. “The Farrers apart, it was too female a house. I had always had to fit in there, and now I felt trapped in its ovary, and would climb to the top of the downs, and look longingly towards industrialism and London.”

Forster’s problem was not inspiration, but rather that he’d come to terms with his sexuality and had been putting it into practice. Surrey was altogether too straightlaced, and the threat of discovery – by Lily, or the police – was greater outside the city. 

But he had rooms in London, and with the Gomshall railway station only minutes’ walk from West Hackhurst through a small forest and across an empty field, Forster was happy to compromise with ongoing maternal cohabitation.

Until this escape route of his came under threat.

The appearance of workmen digging in the forest alerted him, and he made immediate inquiries with the vendor, who revealed a potential housing development. So too did Lord Farrer, who honourably allowed Forster first refusal on the small block known as Piney Copse, slotted between farms, homes, and the railway.

The American royalties of A Passage to India gave Forster the purchasing power to cover the 450-pound settlement.

BEECH BOUGHS Forster planted Piney Copse with beech trees after 1924.
BEECH BOUGHS Forster planted Piney Copse with beech trees after 1924.

While ruminating on the practical and philosophical concerns of land ownership, he made a few attempts to beautify his forest, planting beech trees and discouraging oak seedlings, which he despised as too patriotically English, and settled into comfortable inter-war life in the village. Meanwhile, he secretly started the significant relationship of his life, with London policeman Bob Buckingham.

But around the same time as the threat of Nazism began to rise beyond Germany’s borders, another war was waged at Abinger Hammer. Forster inadvertently started it when he made inquiries with Lord Farrer about extending the lease.

“I got so fidgety that I could not wait the full time,” he wrote, “and it was in 1935 that I reminded him of his promise, and played my usual card about my mother’s age.”

Friendship had not flourished between the neighbours, and the Forsters stewed on it. Perhaps they were considered ‘staff’, since Lily had been a governess to Farrer children decades before? Or perhaps Lord Farrer was still piqued at missing out on purchasing Piney Copse?

It’s likely, since he made its future a stipulation of Mrs Forsters’ residence beyond 1937, when lawyers communicated she could stay for the duration of her life, but only in exchange for ownership of Forster’s forest.

“I was to give up my beloved wood, the one Surrey object that had roots in my heart,” Forster wrote.

TREES IN TRUST The western boundary of Piney Copse, Abinger Hammer, Surrey.
TREES IN TRUST The western boundary of Piney Copse, Abinger Hammer, Surrey.

He moved quickly to take Piney Copse out of the equation by leaving it to the National Trust in his will, purposely choosing an organisation the Farrers could not object to, since Lord Farrer sat on the committee.

These angry reactions were the opposite of Forster’s regular, more tempered appearances in BBC Radio broadcasts, which became the mainstay of his self expression and fame after 1929. His popular WWII talks on fear, identity and faith got him onto Hitler’s hit list at the same time as he was doing battle with the Farrers over land, leases and access.

Lily Forster died in the closing months of the war, and the Farrers moved quickly to reclaim West Hackhurst. Forster’s heart, and his home, were broken when he left in a painful separation we’d now call a mid-life crisis.

The first time I followed these stories to Piney Copse twenty years ago, there were no signposts and the whole block was so overgrown it was impossible to take a decent photograph.

I was there on a location recce, having started the process of producing a film of Forster’s 1909 short story Other Kingdom.

The setting of his allegorical tale was a beech forest adjacent to a genteel home, with leases and fences and local battles over land ownership, and a pivotal escape route for a troubled protagonist. I had a suspicion Forster’s ownership of West Hackhurst and Piney Copse was a case of life imitating art.

The house was still visible from within the beech thicket. Walking the fence line, I got an up-close glimpse of the old place, which seemed uninhabited.

It would have served ideally as the location for a film. House and forest came in one package in a very quiet neighbourhood, and the building was just ramshackle enough to have benefitted from the attention of a film crew.

But art imitating life imitating art was all too hard to communicate to funding bodies, and my project fell over, although I could never quite shake the memory of Forster’s forest.

I started to read his non-fiction more widely, and with the publication of his diaries in 2011, including his searing account of the war over Piney Copse under the ironic title ‘West Hackhurst: A Surrey Ramble’, a clearer picture emerged of the deep hurt at his removal from Abinger Hammer, wrapped-up as it was in his mother’s death, his long-dead father’s memory, and his thwarted sense of place, at a time when it was impossible to live openly as a gay man.

I finally realised it’s not Forster’s art that runs deepest at Piney Copse, it’s his life.

He never wrote fiction again, and left his entire body of work to the place that took him in after his flight from his father’s house – King’s College Cambridge.

His forest of trees – unprocessed novels in their rawest, elemental form – was wired-up on his departure in 1946. I am not sure if he ever visited the place again.

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COPSE AND CROPS Piney Copse seen from the eastern boundary.

On my return visit to Piney Copse in 2014, Richard and I parked at Abinger Hammer and navigated on foot. Away from the main road, which must have been perilous for pedestrians even in 1920s, we hit a muddy track that seemed to go in the right direction, and soon a National Trust sign showed itself on the western boundary.

A train slid by on its way to London, and we took shelter beneath the spreading beeches as heavy raindrops started to fall.

Transformed by care, Piney Copse is now closer to Forster’s vision of an egalitarian, shared England. Gates and stiles freely give way to a depth of greenery that shuts off the real world.

A shower closed in quickly, coating Forster’s beloved beech leaves. There was light enough that the tresses of foliage held that glow I had travelled the globe to experience in person, again. In a few minutes I had explored this tiny patch of England, heart filled with hope, as rich as a boy’s.

Foster’s forest grows on, exempt from the machinations of people and economies, just as he would have liked.

Richard was waiting for me on the other side of the gate, and we peered along the drive for a glimpse of West Hackhurst, now restored and inhabited, before tracing our way along farm roads, past ancient fields and the place where the ‘honourable’ Farrers’ Abinger Hall once stood, long since demolished in the wash-up of another of England’s old families.

Foreheads wet from the sun showers, and baptism over, we took tea back at Abinger Hammer, in a world changing faster for gay men than Forster could ever have imagined.

© Michael Burge, all rights reserved.

This article appears in Michael’s eBook Pluck: Exploits of the single-minded

 

Shakespeare – a farmer who cultivated words

Title_page_William_Shakespeare's_First_Folio_1623
WORDSMITH-WOOLSELLER William Shakespeare (1564-1616) from the title page of the First Folio, 1623, by Martin Droeshout.

NO writer in the English language ever had their life and times examined as much as William Shakespeare, a native of the rural Warwickshire market town of Stratford-upon-Avon, who went on to become the world’s greatest playwright.

With few known facts and little primary evidence, speculation by academics, impresarios, directors and eccentrics has created the various ‘lives’ of Shakespeare that so often go unquestioned.

Just as many theories discredit Shakespeare, painting him as an uneducated buffoon from a farming backwater who must have covered for an educated person more deserving of the title ‘the greatest English playwright’.

But there is one easily overlooked element to Shakespeare’s work which indelibly links him – and his plays – to Warwickshire: his use of that county’s unique vernacular throughout his work.

“Just as many theories discredit Shakespeare, painting him as an uneducated buffoon from a farming backwater.”

Much of the Warwickshire jargon in Shakespeare is the vocabulary that anyone who grew up in the parish of Stratford would have picked up from a very young age, and needed little formal education in.

Long before writing plays for the realm’s premier theatre company at London’s Globe Playhouse, William Shakespeare was born into a family like most in Warwickshire – one with strong farming connections, and rural language.

800px-Mary_Arden's_House_Farm_-_Wilmcote_-_Palmer's_Farmhouse
ARDEN AGRICULTURE Shakespeare’s mother Mary Arden’s farm at Wilmcote, near Stratford-upon-Avon. (Photo: Elliott Brown)

Shakespeare’s Father, John, was at various times a leatherworker and glovemaker, and a wool dealer who served as an alderman on the local council. His mother Mary Arden’s family farmed for centuries in the Stratford region.

Although by the time Shakespeare was born his family were ‘townies’ living on Henley Street in Stratford-upon-Avon, both sets of his grandparents were farmers.

The Shakespeares had been tenant farmers on land owned by the Ardens, but there is plenty of evidence Shakespeare’s father broadened the family interests away from the graft of running farms to a more genteel, lucrative and often illegal income as a landowner, agricultural trader and money-lender.

And although he went on to achieve literary fame, his son William also followed his father’s rural buying and selling footsteps for his entire life.

If Shakespeare picked up an early education on the rural landscape from an array of older family members, by the time he was a trader in his own right, the language of cropping and grain selling, animal husbandry and wool sales, and the production of food and clothing from grain, fibre and hide, well and truly completed his knowledge of all things farming.

That’s not to say he poured this experience into his popular entertainments. Rather, like inconvenient seedlings throughout his work, they ‘crop up’.

Paul Englefield.
RURAL HEARTLAND Warwickshire crops and sheep (Photo: Paul Englefield).

It was historian Michael Wood who underlined Shakespeare’s use of the term ‘hayd land’ in Henry IV Part 2 in his series In Search of Shakespeare. Referring to a strip of land left uncultivated when a Warwickshire ploughman turned his plough around, London typesetters unfamiliar with the original term inserted it as ‘hade land’ in printed versions of the play.

Like Wood, Scott McCrea, in his book The Case for Shakespeare: The End of the Authorship Question, identified another piece of rural slang: “In Antony and Cleopatra, Scarus’s simile of ‘the breeze upon her, like a cow in June’ makes little sense until it’s understood that breeze means stinging gadfly in Warwickshire.”

Other researchers see reflections of a significant rural event – The Midland Revolt – in Shakespeare’s Roman tragedy Coriolanus. The infamous 1607 uprising saw thousands protest from Northamptonshire to Warwickshire and Leicestershire, unhappy at the latest round of Enclosure Acts that locked farmland away from common use.

The grain shortages in Coriolanus have parallels with the revolt, although any of the alternative authors suggested for Shakespeare’s plays – such as Cambridge graduate Christopher Marlowe – could have strung the contemporary reports of the Midland Revolt into a play; whereas if you really seek to claim Marlowe wrote Shakespeare’s plays, you’re going to have to prove the Kent-born dramatist knew a swathe of Warwickshire slang; and not just workaday words easily picked up in any market square, but practical farmers’ trading terms, the kind that typesetters got wrong in the 17th century and citified actors misinterpret to the present day.

You’ll also need to show how a great writer of tragedies like Marlowe was savvy enough to use these words to comic effect.

800px-Wool_fleece_69
FLEECE FACTS Shorn wool in an English shearing shed.

Shakespeare didn’t require any special education to include the discussion on the price of sheep in Henry IV Part 2 between his comic characters Silence and Shallow. Nor did he have any problem accurately portraying the correct price of wool when a shepherd in The Winter’s Tale attempts to calculate the value of his fleeces:

“Let me see: every ‘leven wether tods; every tod yields pound and odd shilling; fifteen hundred shorn. What comes the wool to?”

One of the earliest eyewitness accounts of Shakespeare’s dual literary-farming legacy in Stratford-upon-Avon came in 1708, when London actor and theatre manager Thomas Betterton visited.

Almost a century after the town’s most famous son had died, there was no sign of the tourist mecca that Stratford-upon-Avon would become. For a chunk of the interim period, including the Civil War, plays had been considered sinful and anyone who had anything to do with them treated as scum.

Betterton recounted what he found to dramatist, poet and Shakespeare editor Nicholas Rowe, who used it to write the first biography of the Stratford Shakespeares in 1709 – the basis for much of the later research on the subject of William Shakespeare.

Engraving of William Shakespeare's funerary monument in Stratford from the first volume of Nicholas Rowe's 1709 edition of his works. Gerard Van der Gucht
WOOL BALE? Engraving of William Shakespeare’s funerary monument by Gerard Van der Gucht  from the first volume of Nicholas Rowe’s 1709 edition of his works.

Whether it was a case of Betterton’s bad memory, or an oversight by engraver Gerard Van der Gucht, there was no quill or parchment in the engraving in Rowe’s book of the only visible remnant of William Shakespeare in Stratford-upon-Avon in 1709 – the monument and bust of the playwright in the town’s Holy Trinity Church.

Instead, there is what appears to be either a bag of grain, or a wool bale.

This yawning gap between a man who wrote plays and poems, many of which became pre-eminent in the English language, who never went to university and cannot be proven to have attended school – yet also made a significant living as a land and agricultural commodities trader – has always been too great for many in the British establishment.

By 1725, when another image of the Shakespeare bust appeared, someone had added a quill and parchment to the monument. Those who seek to separate Shakespeare the playwright from Shakespeare the farmer use this mysterious action as evidence that he did not write the plays that forever made his name.

“It’s hard to overlook the academic snobbery aimed at a non graduate who had airs above his station.”

I have something in common with William Shakespeare. I hale from a small farming community and, after we moved off the land, I went on to become a writer. Apart from one year at university, where I started an Arts degree, my tertiary education consisted of vocational training in the performing arts, which was undoubtedly more than Shakespeare received.

WRITER'S CUSHION? Shakespeare's monument as it appears today, with quill and parchment (Photo: Tom Reedy).
WRITER’S CUSHION? Shakespeare’s monument as it appears today, with quill and parchment (Photo: Tom Reedy).

Nobody knows for sure how Shakespeare got to London and took up acting and writing. There are missing years when he cannot be found trading in Warwickshire’s farming records, but his name – or a version of it – appears in a terse review by playwright and Cambridge graduate Robert Greene, who attempted to put a young upstart in the London theatre scene of the 1590s in his place.

Alluding to a line in Shakespeare’s Henry IV Part 3: “O tiger’s heart wrapped in a woman’s hide”, Greene wrote:

“…for there is an upstart Crow, beautified with our feathers, that with his Tygers hart wrapt in a Players hyde, supposes he is as well able to bombast out a blanke verse as the best of you: and being an absolute Johannes fac totum, is in his owne conceit the onely Shake-scene in a countrey.”

You have to hand it to Greene – his ticking-off of the young Shakespeare is witty. Not only does he call the younger dramatist a ‘Jack of all trades’, the use of ‘Shake-scene’ cements exactly who this ‘Jack’ is.

Greene also shows off his knowledge of Latin, his audience being university graduates, whose ‘feathers’ he accuses Shakespeare of using to call himself a serious playwright, although it’s hard to overlook the academic snobbery aimed at a non-graduate who had airs above his station.

When I lived, studied and worked in the United Kingdom, I encountered the same competitive spirit. A vocational education in theatre practice was never enough to get me work on a stage or a studio, whereas declaring my country roots landed me a job in rural media in a flash. I suspect what has been in place ever since Greene’s put-down of Shakespeare is the pathway of entitlement that runs from Oxbridge straight to the West End.

Whenever British playwrights made a splash without a university education – the likes of Joe Orton, John Osborne and Tom Stoppard – there was a chorus from the establishment reminiscent of Robert Greene’s begrudging comments.

But William Shakespeare is an inspiration to this former farm boy who also became a writer, because he will forever wear the crown over the likes of Greene, having employed nothing but his ‘owne conceit’; and despite adding more than 1700 words to the English language, he also remembered those of his childhood landscape.

Play | COMING SOON

He remains an unsurpassed Jack of all trades who was a master yarn spinner, which, as anyone from the country will tell you, is exactly how they breed them in the bush.

© Michael Burge, all rights reserved.

This article appears in Michael’s book Merely Players.